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Press ""ONE"" for English examines how Americans form opinions on language policy issues such as declaring English the official language, printing documents in multiple languages, and bilingual education. Deborah Schildkraut shows that people's conceptions of American national identity play an integral role in shaping their views. Using insights from American political thought and intellectual history, she highlights several components of that identity and shows how they are brought to bear on debates about language. Her analysis expands the range of factors typically thought to explain atti

"Press "One" for English examines how Americans form opinions on language policy issues such as declaring English the official language, printing documents in multiple languages, and bilingual education. Deborah Schildkraut shows that people's conceptions of American national identity play an integral role in shaping their views. Using insights from American political thought and intellectual history, she highlights several components of that identity and shows how they are brought to bear on debates about language. Her analysis expands the range of factors typically thought to explain attitudes in such policy areas, emphasizing in particular the role that civic republicanism's call for active and responsible citizenship plays in shaping opinion on language issues."

AbstractThis study examines new open-ended and closed-ended survey responses among white liberals and conservatives in the US to assess the role they think their racial group membership plays in how they think about politics. It then uses insights from those responses to develop and test a new measure designed to capture how white identity operates politically. To date, much political science research on white racial identity documents the links between white identity and right-leaning candidate and policy preferences. Much less is known about the role of whiteness on the left. The analysis here shows that even though white liberals talk about anti-racism, privilege, and institutional racism when asked about race and politics and say that they have become more aware of their race in recent years, they generally do not view their own whiteness as a politically salient identity. The results indicate that it is important for scholars to use measures that distinguish between whites who appear "woke" but do not act on their "wokeness" from whites for whom an awareness of privilege motivates them toward an anti-racist agenda.

The policies of Republican Governor Scott Walker have come to symbolize a resurgent assault on the public sector, and on public employee unions in particular, by the Republican Party. The fact that this is happening in Wisconsin, the state that in the last century was considered the "laboratory of Progressivism," makes the politics surrounding these policies all the more compelling. In The Politics of Resentment: Rural Consciousness in Wisconsin and the Rise of Scott Walker, Katherine J. Cramer analyzes the "politics of resentment" surrounding these developments. Employing an ethnographic "method of listening," Cramer furnishes thick description of the political language employed by rural Wisconsinites, and proceeds to develop an interpretive theory of "political resentment" that illuminates the reasons why lower-class citizens so strongly oppose public policies seeking to offset social and economic inequality. The book is important methodologically and politically. We have thus invited a range of social and political scientists to comment on the book as a work of political science and as a diagnosis of the current political moment.

ObjectiveDetermine the effects of linked fate, group identification, perceptions of discrimination, and acculturation on Latino attitudes about surrogate representation, which occurs when elected officials represent people outside of their electoral constituency.MethodsAnalysis of public opinion data to determine whether Latinos feel that Latino‐elected officials from other states represent them and assess which Latinos are more or less likely to feel this way.ResultsLinked fate and identifying primarily with one's national origin group, instead of as an American, enhance the perception of surrogate representation. Less‐acculturated Latinos are also more likely to look to surrogates for representation. Perceiving that one has been a victim of discrimination, on the other hand, alienates Latinos from co‐ethnic representatives, making them less likely to feel represented by surrogates.ConclusionMany Latinos without descriptive representation still feel represented via surrogates, but high rates of perceptions of discrimination are a cause for concern.

This review examines empirical research about American national identity. It focuses on the social and political causes and consequences of (a) how people define what being American means and (b) their degree of attachment to being American. It explains why scholars increasingly view American identity as a social identity and reviews arguments for why political scientists should investigate American identity as both an independent and a dependent variable. Existing research documents a high degree of consensus across demographic groups regarding how American identity is defined. It also reveals both beneficial and harmful consequences of people strongly identifying as American. Empirical inquiries of American identity are motivated by demographic trends, especially the rise in immigration-driven diversity, but they are also deeply grounded in historical and philosophical assessments of the nature of American identity, and such scholarship is also discussed throughout the review.

This review examines empirical research about American national identity. It focuses on the social and political causes and consequences of (a) how people define what being American means and (b) their degree of attachment to being American. It explains why scholars increasingly view American identity as a social identity and reviews arguments for why political scientists should investigate American identity as both an independent and a dependent variable. Existing research documents a high degree of consensus across demographic groups regarding how American identity is defined. It also reveals both beneficial and harmful consequences of people strongly identifying as American. Empirical inquiries of American identity are motivated by demographic trends, especially the rise in immigration-driven diversity, but they are also deeply grounded in historical and philosophical assessments of the nature of American identity, and such scholarship is also discussed throughout the review. Adapted from the source document.

This study assesses preferences for descriptive representation among Latinos and Asian Americans. The findings are consistent across data sets, measurement strategies, and panethnic groups: Latinos and Asian Americans who do not think of themselves primarily as American, who think that their fate is tied to that of the group, and who are less acculturated are more likely than others to prefer coethnic representatives. The implications of these findings are discussed, with a focus on the conditions under which the nation's rapidly diversifying population could promote competing views about political representation in the United States. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]